The Longest Year

2013 was one of the most important years of my life. From personal choices to political choices everything changed. In the one year that has passed, there are many things that I have moved onto doing and many more things await me, but one thing that I miss and may not be able to do again is this small, yet powerful piece of work that was started in May 2013.
This year was spent with doing many interesting and powerful things, but somehow the yearning was always there at Jagdalpur for a really long time. The only other thing that really made me feel content was my work with SPACE in the same year.

A thought that germinated among the minds of those who worked, have worked and are working in the regions of Southern Bastar, or for that matter working on issues of adivasi rights over land, forests and resources has steadfastly moved and become what one could call the indispensable part of Bastar now. This idea has a name and an identity now, rather multiple identities, JAGLAG.

I was as excited, nervous and apprehensive as a kid who has just started going to school would be. But above all this, the thought that I would be doing what I have been wanting/waiting to do for 2 years and now has become a reality was something that made it even more inexplicable.

People say the journey is more important than the destination and I think in this case it holds true for me. The Journey that started with many of those unexpected things, many of those turns that one had to take and many of those moments that one always would cherish had begun for us, (me and 3 Friends) and the beginning was and is as good as the journey. There is both the present and the past in the journey, for some it still is the present and for me, it in some ways is the past.

The journey also led me to meeting some really strong willed, dedicated people who have shown to me why there is a need for courage, camaraderie, solidarity and sisterhood! But there is also a need for support of ones’ family and love to unconditionally support the ones undertaking a journey as this. Well, I am not placing this journey on a pedestal and undermining all other journeys as this, but all such journeys which has to do with taking the side of the oppressed, holding hands and standing with those wanting humanity to learn lessons from their history, culture and thought need all the mentioned prerequisites, but here it also needs the endurance to withstand the pressures of the Known and the unknown.

JAGLAG started with 4, of course with the support of many more, but in a period of 2 months it was down to 3. The person to leave, me. The reasons for me to leave were not political differences with the team, neither was it to do with me being ambitious, but it was more of the matters that needed more important attention by me than what I have been wanting to do. For once in my life, the most important decision was determined more by what my mind wanted than my heart.

This said, in the two months, things that were seen were quite a lot, the pressures of the known and the unknown were many and very few people on the ground for support, both professional as well as existential. In such a context for JAGLAG to exist and contribute in the ways they have by creating dents in the criminal justice system, shows that countering the Known and the unknown in these situations and places requires some grit, patience and determination and the team has it all. It has not just had it, but hopefully has been able to pass it on those numerous people who have stood up, struggled and sometimes won against the known and unknown powers that operate in the region. Even today, there are newer challenges and even though I am not there, I can feel these challenges staring down the faces of the people there.

In the process, there have been newer ideas that have been implanted, ideas of justice, fair and free, democracy, not through the gun, but more through patience and determination. And as the saying in the movie V for Vendetta goes, “an idea is not just flesh, an idea is not just blood or water, an idea is something that survives the bullet”. In this case, the idea of justice, will not only survive the bullet, but also the onslaught of those that consider these ideas to be meaningless.

It is also time for me to apologize to all those who had put their trust on me, have been my guides and have been people who have looked up to, to have let them down and to have let them feel disenchanted. But above all, I feel the need to apologize to the team, a team which after a year has become 4 again, to have let go off them and to those who have made me realise the true meaning of fraternity, solidarity and above all JUSTICE! This is hope in what would be the times to come, the times of sorrow,, grief and darkness.

More power to them and their kinds. This has been the longest year, a year that I may remind myself off even after years have passed……

Ramblings of a Mind wanting to explode

There have been a couple of movies in the recent past that have really made me thinking and of course has pushed me to write again. Yes, it has been more than a year since i wrote my lost blog-post, but this time i just could not be without writing.

The first one that got my attention was the newly Released Holiday, starring Akshay Kumar and Sonakshi Sinha in the lead. Akshay kumar plays the role of a army officer on leave, but is also part of the Defence Intelligence Agency which acts as the Intelligence unit of the Military. This is the copy of the film Tamil film Thuppakki and there is hardly any difference in the story-line. The movie is about busting what one calls the sleeper cells who are pawns for terrorist activities in big cities. You can read the plot of the movie on wiki or any other review will be good enough for one to understand the plot.

Am not going to be writing an entire story-line of the film though i would like to confess that i have watched both the movies, one on the computer and the other in a cinema hall in Hyderabad. When one has nothing to do in a city with a friend one does indulge in doing mindless things. But, I am glad I decided to go watch this in a cinema hall.

In the movie, most of the Sleeper cells aka terrorists have been branded in a particular fashion, now this fashion resembles one particular community in this country, most or all are wearing kurtas and phatani suits, they all have beards and there mastermind is somewhere in the Northwestern province of India or could we say India occupied Kashmir!

The movie throughout pictures that the sleeper cells are the ignorant ones who would do anything that the mastermind says and asks them to do. And the final icing on the cake, we have the defence sec coming from one of the other minority community who has joined hands with the other minority community to being down this ‘great’ country and the majority community as these bombs that they tick off can only kill the people of the majority community.

Now that i have given a bit on the plot and what one can see of the movie, let me tell you, that when i stepped out of the movie hall, i had quite a few people staring and giving me a few more looks than i deserve. What do i acknowledge it to? The fact that i was wearing a Kurta, or that i had a beard or both? And i think i would go with both! The impact that this movie created on some people’s psyche is what chilled me to my nerves, as even though the stares and looks could have been normal and a usual thing, it brought in me the thought of connecting it to the film and the portrayal of the people as terrorists in it.

A lot of us think that this is an over-exaggeration of the impact that the movie might have on the larger public, but most time regressive ideas are best reached through mass movies like these.  Remember A Wednesday! and what it had to say to a lot of people, that as a concerned citizen its ok to kill a ‘terrorist’ cause the larger collective conscious needs justice. ‘Collective conscious’ wait, have we not heard this before, ah, Afzal Guru and his trial that was a farce in itself! Now how is that someone like Afzal guru was hung to death based on circumstantial evidence, but somebody like Swami Assemanand who himself confessed to the Malegaon blasts and many other terror activities is still undergoing trail? No no… our keepers of law and justice do not see movies, nor do they base their judgement based on the religion and caste and class of the person who stands accused. They solely base their judgement based on laws and the lawbook, nothing else! just that this lawbook and law is a thinner for those from the oppressed castes, classes and the minority religions. This is just one of those instances that I am citing, but there are many more similar ones across the country.

This is truly a ramble, i have come to Justice and law from a movie like Holiday! that too in less that a page! The impact that cinema has on people including like myself is just too amazing!

The next one that came to my mind was this documentary, The World before her, which shows two different poles of the feminist struggles in India. One, the ultra cool, Miss India pageants the other the training at the Durga Vahini camps for girls held by the RSS and VHPs. Now, i understand that there have been a lot of people who have written and have their own opinions about the film and the portrayal of the women in the film is not something that they might agree to, i do subscribe to what you have to say, i also subscribe to the fact that the director/filmmaker has moulded replies the way she wanted it, but does that mean brush off what is being said? Or even say that it was a manipulative interview which had leading questions in the direction that the filmmakers wanted the interview to go?

Regardless all these questions, one of the things that caught my attention was how the during the training at the camp there was emphasis on how should one live in the society and how one must be willing to give their lives for the sake of a larger Hindu rashtra. There are other things as well which would talk on similar lines, but what the documentary did to me initially was to out on those suspicious lens on and look at almost every girl/women around me there as somebody who has been to a camp.

The power of Cinema is such that it can influence ones thoughts more than what one thinks it does to people. Hopefully, there can be more cinema that is far less regressive and far less stereotyping people and communities in a particular manner!

I should thank Bhamati Sivapalan for the discussion that has also pushed me to start to write once again, even though these are ramblings of a mind thats wanting to explode!

 

 

 

The Jharkhand Movement

“The question is one of fighting the causes and not just the effects. This revolution is bound to fail if it doesn’t succeed in reaching deep inside them, stirring them right down to the bone, and giving them back their stature as human beings. Otherwise, what’s the use?” Che

Introduction

The tribal societies in middle India were closely integrated with the prevailing colonial system, its economy, and administration. The interaction of the peasants and tribes had led to the development of settled agriculture as the primary mode of subsistence in the pre-colonial period.

The colonial phase led to the exploitation of the tribal resources by the British and land was one of the most important resource that the tribals lost control over, which was at the root cause for a long chain of tribal unrest and uprisings.

In the post-colonial phase, the unrest and uprisings continued on the grounds of land struggles but also the demand for implementation of welfare measures that followed the recognition of the tribes as a scheduled category under the Indian Constitution.

The anthropological survey of India identified a number of movements in Eastern India: the most important of them being the movement for the establishment of the Jharkhand State.

The movement began with the formation of the Chotanagpur unnathi samaj and the demand for a separate state got crystallised with the formation of the Adivasi mahasabha in 1938 under the leadership of Jaipal Singh Munda, which was the foundation for various political movements post the colonial period in central India.

During the course of this paper, I will try to look into the concept of tribe and the various political movements that were formed in the struggle for a separate Jharkhand state from colonial to contemporary times.

The Concept of tribe

A commoner would associate the word “tribe” with primitiveness, savagery, and wilderness. The origin of the concept can be traced to the rise of colonialism, when the British first penetrated the interior areas at the beginning of their rule.

The concept of tribe was an artificial category, through which the Europeans constructed a fact of the Indian reality, the outcome of a conscious project of the colonial empire. The notion was formalised by the state as a part of its legitimising ideology and it operated as a device to catalogue conquered populations, formulate imperial policies and to facilitate these populations into the imperial systems. However, the concept of “tribe” was not entirely the product of the British and it can be traced to the ancient times. The colonial discourse has largely been formed due the prevailing concepts among the dominant caste groups and the colonial state appropriated such representation as part of its categorisation. In this sense, the construction of the concept of “tribe” maybe considered more of a Brahmanical construct than that of the colonial construct. Therefore, they were considered as backward Indian, the lowest people. Locally they were the natural antithesis of the brahmins and emerging globally as the conceptual opposite of the white men in the west.

Therefore, we can say that there were two broad approaches in the colonial period towards the tribals. The first conceptual approach was developed by the British administrator-ethnographers-anthropologist. This model treated tribal communities as “isolates, tribals as noble savages, and their primitive conditions were described as a state of Arcadian simplicity”. The second approach saw tribes as backward Hindus who were going to be absorbed in the Hindu society.

Both these approaches viewed tribal communities as waiting to be absorbed into the mainstream political and economic system-either through the market economy or through the Hindu caste system. (Ghurye, 1963)

Apart from the official versions, the ethnic groups used adivasi instead of “aboriginal” or “tribe”, which was invented and used by the members of various socio-political movement themselves for their self identity. This was done primarily by the proponents of Jharkhand to project a single tribal identity, which included all tribal sub-groups under the identity of adivasi.

Historical Perspective

The history of administration of the Santhal Paraganas can be traced back to the Subha of Bihar since the early Mughal period, which later came under the East India Company in 1765. This led to the exposure of the erstwhile inaccessible area to the outside world due to the construction of roads and railways, thereby leading to the influx of outsiders. The introduction of the Zamindari system and other new laws dealt a blow to the traditional economy of the Santhals. Within a few years the merchants, the mahajans and the  Zamindars amassed large fortunes and reduced the tribals to the level of serfs. This led to immense sufferings of the Santhals and there repeated approaches to the authorities failed which led to discontentment among the Santhals, which finally burst into open violence where there were many incidents of looting, arson and killing of the Diku (Outsiders and/or Exploiters) which was called the Santhal Hul (rebellion) in 1855. Sido and Kanhu Santhal, two Santhal brothers were in the forefront of the Hul movement, which finally was quashed by bringing in the government troops but only after the local district administration failed in its attempt to subvert the rebellion.

According to McPherson, the oppression of the mahajans, the police and the zamindars was not perhaps a sufficient cause for such a large- scale uprising of the unyielding tribals. A deeper cause, as McPherson suggests “was the Santhals yearning  for independence, a dream of the ancient days when they had no overloads, perhaps a memory of prehistoric times when according to some speculators they were themselves masters of the Gangetic valley and had not yet been drive back by the Aryan invaders” (McPherson, 1905).

The indigenous artisan castes- such as, the Kumhars (potters), the telis (oilmen), the kamars (blacksmiths) as well as the momins (Mohammedan weavers) and the Gwalas (milkmen)- who had developed socio-economic interdependence with the Santhals through many generations, were also intimately involved in this struggle against the tyranny of outsiders.

After the rebellion was quashed, the government brought in various measures for the Santhals which was not substantial and they depended on the mahajans for their economic needs as before. The Santhals remained ambivalent towards the dikus, admiring their wealth and intelligence and hating their attitude of superiority and exploitation. This ambivalence still exists even today as a backdrop to all efforts at adjustment on part of the present day Santhal society.

The Modern Political Phase

New political opportunities opened after the home rule was introduced in the 1930s for the Indian masses as well as the tribals. The elite realised that they can make use of this opportunity to get the state in their favour  by working as political brokers or pressure groups. The leaders who were involved in social reform movements gradually took to political activities and became the spokesperson for their communities.

The Unnati samaj formed by Joel Lakra, the Kisan Sabha formed by Theble Oraon and Paul Sabha  and the Catholic Sabha formed by Boniface Lakra and Ignes Beck, met at the Hor-Malto Marang Sabha (Santhal-Malto General Conference), came together and formed a single organisation called the Chotanagpur-Santhal Pargana  Adivasi Sabha, the term “Adivasi” being used for the first time in a political context. In 1938 it was renamed as Adivasi mahasabha which subsequently transformed itself into the All- India Jharkhand party in 1949 which became the main political party for a majority of the Adivasis in the Jharkhand area, including the Santhal Paraganas, the parochial appeal of the Jharkhand Party made the Adivasis regard it as their own party.

The hold of the Jharkhand party was not uniform among various Adivasis communities, also the main center for the major activities was the district of Ranchi, the Santhal elite, aware of their numerical strength, could not identify with it. The absence of proper leadership among the Santhals led to ineffective party organisation in the Santhal Paraganas. These two reasons led to the decline of the party in the district of Santhal Paraganas, which led to the merger of the Jharkhand party with the Congress in 1963, which subsequently led to the surrendering of their most popular party symbol, the cock.

When the political activities reached a low ebb after the merger, activities at the socio-cultural level intensified by the tribal elite and special focus given to creating awareness about the Sido-Kanhu movement. Two of the most important activities that were done by the Santhal elite were to organise the Sido-Kanhu mela and to organise Sido-kanhu dramas through a network of village level committees. The Sido-kanhu movement had started attracting larger and larger number of people due to their “pleasure-oriented” approach and the sentimental appeal which deeply touched the heart of more and more Santhals. Through this the Santhal elite started the Dhankatiya (forcible harvesting of paddy) movement. In many places, the peasants were able to re-occupy their land from the dikus. This led to the Santhals not only getting their land back, but also renewed their courage and pride, the reasons attributed to this was the Sido-Kanhu movement more than a political climate.

With the growing popularity of the Sido-Kanhu movement, the fight for power and money seemed to have created a division in the leadership, which marked the beginning of the waning influence of the movement over the masses.

The Hul Jharkhand Party

As the name of Sido-Kanhu are closely associated with the Hul in the Santhal mind, the success of the Sido-Kanhu movement seems to have prompted the political leaders to prefix this term to their already familiar name of Jharkhand Party to form the Hul Jharkhand party which was registered in 1968.

The major rallying point for the Hul Jharkhand party was nothing different than before, carving of a separate state of Jharkhand, but keeping the socio-cultural movement in mind they also worked to stop the use of liquor at marriage feasts and rituals and discouraged people from taking loans from the diku mahajans, which was exclusive. They also termed other political outfits as outsiders which led to the discontent of the people against the party and caused the  decline of the party’s popularity among the people. The other major reason for the decline was the conflicts and tension at the leadership level.

The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

By 1973, in the areas of Dhanbad and the adjacent regions, a good amount of industrial activity began for which land was being acquired. The tribals were dispossessed of their land and livelihood. This along with unemployment led to the discontentment of the tribals. At this stage three different movements coalesces to put up a common effort.

• The Shivaji Samaj headed by B.B. Mahato.
• The Industrial workers being organised by one ex-Communist leader A. K. Roy.
• The third leadership provided by Shibu Soren.

Some of the activities that were done also marked them as one of the fiercest political outfits to have been established in Jharkhand, for instance the “gherao” of the Bokaro Steel Industries, and the celebration of the Jharkhand Day on February 4, where thousands of tribal people had assembled with bows, arrows, axes, spears and drums.

During this meeting the leaders spoke of land alienation and exploitation by the “outsiders” and asked the adivasis to organise themselves against the enemy. Constant riots for reclamation of land and cases of violent clashes made the local administration to clamp down on A.K. Roy and B.B. Mahato under MISA (Maintenance of Internal Security Act). Shibu Soren managed to go underground.

Finally, Shibu Soren, surrendered to the police in October 1975, but only after the administration revised its policy from confrontation to co-operation. He by now was the most popular leader, where people referred to him as “Guruji” which also helped him later in his political aspirations.

Shibu Soren, during his stay in jail, prepared a 19-point agenda for the development of the tribes in Jharkhand. The main points concerned the development of villages through education, farming and animal husbandry, afforestation and horticulture, introduction of small-scale industries and industrial training centers for women, eradication of dowry, child marriage, drinking and other social vices and many other such programs from the village level.

Conclusion

The advent of the colonial rule led to the exposure of the tribal regions of Jharkhand to the outside world. The involvement of the colonial regime resulted in the ruthless dispossession of tribals of their land and resources, which were not only their economic needs but also part of their culture and identity. Regular subjection to exploitation led different tribal groups to revolt against the outsiders.

The Sido-kanhu revolt was rise of the tribal movement but the formation of Adivasi Mahasabha was the beginning for a pan-tribal identity struggle where all the tribal groups and sub-groups were united under one category of Adivasis. They asserted their differences from the mainstream in terms of history and culture and demanded protective measures to ensure their uniqueness and equality.

With the entry of the Adivasi Mahasabha into parliamentary politics, the demand of a separate state came up based on three important issues: exploitation of the tribals, minerals, and forest resources by dikus, ethnic distinctiveness and administrative unity of the region. However, due to the ambivalent nature of the non-tribals, the struggle for a separate state could not become a full fledged regional movement.

With the formation of the Jharkhand party, the ethnic appeal got transformed to a trans-ethnic regional entity, but due to the factional politics within it led to the downfall of the movement and the party.

The Jharkhand region threw up new challenges with the advent of industrialisation, which led to the rise of the formation of trade unions and broader mass movements, agitations for restoration of land rights, forest rights and employment opportunities. Political forces fighting for a separate state had to address these issues, this resulted in the re-alignment of the social forces, and efforts made to enlist support for a larger broad based Jharkhand movement.

The territorial boundaries remained contested. In its early phase territorial integration of the adjoining areas was based on the geographical area to be delineated was argued based on Jharkharndi culture. The process of delimiting the territorial boundary of Jharkhand had been marked by the power factor in the neighboring states and the central government also claiming stakes.

After the 1980s the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha  and the Bharatiya Janatha party, two important political forces finally forged an alliance to limit claims to the territorial region of Santhal Paraganas and Chotanagpur only. The movement got enormous support from the people and finally gave way to the formation of the 28th State, called Jharkhand in the Indian Union.

When one critically analyses, none of the movements could create counter- hegemony, barring a few sporadic instances of revolt against the state and colonial rule. The formation of a new state within the ambit of the exisiting power structures has not really contributed to the overall development of the tribal communities nor has it changed the power structures among the tribals. Shibu Soren, himself is a classic example of being engulfed in the hegemonic structures that reflected during his tenure as the Chief Minister of Jharkhand.

A history that was not just made by our forefathers but also by our foremothers.

Today, as one celebrates International Women’s Day, one would have to ask these very important questions; What is the comprehensive history of International Women’s Day? When was it declared? Which event does it commemorate? And what is its significance in the present day context?

When one searches for answers to these questions, one notices a deafening silence in our ‘official’ history and why would it not? This history was after all, stories of the ruling elites who, apart from a few exceptions, are male. These exceptions we see in the form of Queens and rulers, like the Rani of Jhansi and Indira Gandhi or others who rulers loved, like Mumtaz Mahal in whose memory the Taj Mahal was built.

But what about those un-named millions, those faceless women who toiled in the home, in the fields, in the factories; who struggled to break the chains of their servitude, who laid the foundations of the participation of women in public life and politics through their blood, sweat and tears? Yes, what of these women who shaped the course of social movements, who advanced the epochs, who actually made history? The history books are silent about them and their struggles remain unsung.

It is the struggle of these women that we sing of on March 8. International Women’s Day is the recognition of the path-breaking struggle of the working class women of USA at the turn of the previous century. Forced to work unending hours in subhuman conditions in factories, for a pittance, it was the garment and shirtwaist makers of New York and Philadelphia who, realising the power of their collective strength, heralded the fight -not just for shorter hours, better wages, better working conditions and the vote – but also for Socialism, and for the end of all exploitation. And within that struggle they waged another – to assert their freedom from the domination of their fellow men.

In India there have been many social reform movements led by people like Rammohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra, Ranade and Agarkar who advocated the abolition of sati and child marriage, and promoted the education of girls and widow remarriage. These movements were gradually eclipsed by the more powerful and reactionary Hindu revivalist movements led by Dayanand Saraswati’s Arya Samaj which was spearheaded by an orthodox Brahmin intelligentsia. These movements strove to limit the advancement of women within the framework of Hinduism by promoting the ideal of Sita. These movements promoted the remarriage of child widows, but not of adult widows. If they encouraged education for girls, it was with a view to help them become better householders.

It was the anti-caste movements led by Jotiba Phule, Dr. Ambedkar and E.V. Ramaswamy Periyar that actually challenged the oppressive structure of caste society and Brahminical patriarchy that governed every aspect of social life. Phule opened the first school for girls of the ‘untouchable’ castes namely Mahars and Mangs as early as 1849 in the face of fierce opposition from the Brahmin orthodoxy.

Decades later, in 1903, Dalit women fought alongside their men to assert their right to enter and worship at the Kalaram temple in Nasik. The District Magistrate, at that time, banned demonstrations in the vicinity of the temple. Defying the ban, a group of Dalit women tried to force their way into the temple and were arrested. All of them was sentenced to a short term of rigorous imprisionment, including a 75-year old woman. In 1927 hundreds of Dalit women enthusiastically participated in a massive satyagraha led by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar to assert the rights of the Dalits to use the waters of the Chavdar tank at Mahad and defy the prohibition imposed by Brahmin leaders.

Periyar called for the rejection of the mangalsutra as he saw it as the symbol of women’s enslavement to their husbands and introduced the concept of self-respect marriages, where the consent of the girl was equally important as that of the man’s. He urged similar dress codes for men and women, suggested that male names be given to girls and female names to boys and called upon men to help with housework and take equal responsibility for child care.

But this is only to speak of the struggle of the ‘public domain ‘, a struggle that was visible. Women had to wage another struggle which was invisible and has gone largely unrecognised – the struggle of the ‘private domain’. In India, this ideology is embodied in the personal laws of the various religious communities and more blatantly in the decrees of the ancient law-giver Manu, “Her Father protects her in childhood, her husband in her youth and her son in her old age, a woman is NEVER FIT (emphasis added) for independence”.

Thus every woman who stepped out of her traditional confines to join the struggle in the ‘public sphere’ had to first struggle in the private domain to adjust housework, convince or defy the husband or father and many other such things. In many instances, the struggle of the private domain travels through the public domain as well, where once the struggle in the public domain is over, the women are expected to get back into their roles of mother and wife. Thus every toiling woman who takes part in political life has had to wage not just a double, but a triple struggle – the struggle alongside men against the oppressive and exploitative system, the struggle within their organisation or union against male domination, and the struggle in the private domain: of the family, of domestic labour, of reproduction and sexuality.

Today, as women struggling for revolutionary change in India, be it a Soni Sori, or standing up against the Khairlanji Atrocity or the women of Kudankulam, Jaitapur and Srikakulam opposing nuclear projects, or the women of Bhopal who are fighting against the state and a huge Multi-national Corporation, or women who have been at the forefront against the POSCO (the largest FDI in India till date), or those many Dalit women struggling for Justice, we need to reclaim our past and celebrate our lineage of resistance and struggle. Too long have they, and we, been kept away from information and knowledge which can weld us into a fighting force for a new society.

A One Billion Rising of song and dance is important for celebrating the woman, but it is equally important for another one billion to rise and reclaim what was truly ours; a history that was not just made by our forefathers but also by our foremothers.

TISS: Reimagining Futures

Been quite a while since i have written a post. So thought that i should write on one of the most fabulous news that came as part of the Union Budget! TISS being given the status of Center for Excellence which comes along with an Award of 100 Crores!!!  Or it might be the other way round, but the end result is that TISS along with a few other universities have got richer by 100 Crores which that can put to good use in building more infrastructure and amenities to the students at the new campuses (read, Guwahati and Hyderbad).

There has been as always suggestions abut how one should now put this money to good use and even my ‘revolting’ mind kept thinking of what should/could/must TISS do with this huge sum! And i could think of  few ideas.

1. They should start building their campus at Guwahati and it should initially focus on constructing a Guest House with conference hall facility which would be regularly given out to people who would want to organise conferences/workshops and meetings.
2. A state of the art Hostel for students who would be aspiring to get to TISS. The hostel should have a capacity of atleast 100 on one floor and the building should have 10 floors! Rooms to students must be alloted in the first 3 floors and the rest must be kept vacant for people who come in for conferences and meetings at Subsidized prices.
3. Constructions of roads and laying of pipes and other OFRs should be done initially and then there must be some changes that had to be made and the whole place re-dug and relaid and this can be a repetitive process at various periods in the academic year.
4. Construct a Convention Center with a capacity of more than 2000 so that on that one day of Convocation everybody can sit inside and watch the convocation ceremony.
5. A dining hall that would have all the facilities that any five star hotel would have in the kitchen, and it would be completely ‘managed and run’ by students!
6. Last but not the least, a field action project that would focus on the entire North-Eastern India which would work towards building peace process between the Indian State and the Secessionist groups. Building capacities of the tribal population and help in their co-option in the ‘mainstream’. Re-imagining the future of the North-East by doing socio-economic assessments of all the huge development projects that have been planned in the region.

So, this is a very short list of things that TISS can do with the very small sum that they got as part of creating more regions of excellence and this is all our Tax-payers money! So please do feel free to add more of the things that TISS can be which might just become a ‘policy’ document of TISS and its way forward in re-imagining futures!!!

The Politics of Caste Annihilation by an Upper Caste

I have titled this post this way, as i see a lot of us Upper castes talking about Caste annihilation and about the aspect of Social Justice of the Amartya Sen  kinds “for” the Dalits of ‘India”. But in the process of standing up against this structure of caste we all fail to acknowledge the fact that we are also part of this wretched thing and are a community that is responsible for the caste oppression that happens at TISS and elsewhere in the country, by virtue of being an Upper caste.

Now that i have given a brief history of the reason for this title, i shall try to address some of the questions of caste discrimination, identity politics, dalitisation, the ‘silly debates” that one has about the emancipation of the Dalits and tribes  and of course to not forget the a section of us students who keep abusing Hindu gods and goddesses as though they were our own friends.

As an upper caste, we would like to work ‘for’ the emancipation of the most oppressed communities namely the Dalits, but there is a catch in it, we would like to work ‘for’ them without getting ourselves dirty, nor would we like to let go off the powers be it political or power of any other form as that would mean we will have to work ‘with’ them which then hurts our upper caste ego. And this ego is that of the upper caste in me who never wishes or acknowledges the fact that as an upper caste we are also part of the problem. The same goes with Social Justice, would social justice not mean justice for the most oppressed communities? be it on campus or elsewhere.

Many upper castes like myself, think that those who are working around the issue of dalit liberation on campus are presumptuous and assume that they are the only ones who can liberate fellow dalits. Now i ask myself, what right do we even have as upper castes to talk of dalit liberation and who are we to liberate or for that matter lead the liberation. I do not disagree about the support that we as upper castes offer in the process of liberation of the dalits but the discretion and the power to decide if they want this support or not still remains with the dalits.

There are also a section of us upper castes who believe that there is no caste based discrimination that exists on campus. How can we believe it, or even understand it when we have not even understood or for that matter felt caste based oppression that happens on campus. Now let me substantiate this argument with an example at TISS, not that i have heard only one such instance,but there are many such instances. During my 1st semester on campus, a dalit student in class asked for water for an upper caste student who was carrying a bottle and this upper caste student refused and asked him to drink from the coolers placed around the campus, this happened during one of the breaks. But immediately after that another student from an upper caste community asked the same person for water and s/he promptly gave him/her the bottle with water. Now for us upper castes this would ‘just’ mean that s/he did not want to give him/her bottle of water as that is the only way we are programmed to think.

There have been many questions and talks about the politics of identity, dalitisation and the ‘silly” debates about the emancipation of the dalits and tribes and there are many versions to these things. Firstly, i had in a post on another blog written about the politics of identity and mentioned that the politics of identity starts not when one is contesting electoral politics, but it starts right from the  time our parents start the process of socialisation and this is definitely defined and structured based on our own caste/class and religion. So when one does not question about this particular kind of socialisation how is that we are able to easily bad mouth people who subscribe to identity politics and call them “the Furtive Messiahs’ without even understanding that we are all part of the politics of identity right from the time we step into this campus. The identity could vary from region, religion, caste and class. Why do we not talk about this politics of identity when we make our friends when we step into this campus? the answer to this question is very simple, we are more comfortable with the people who we think have similar understanding or are just simply speak the same vernacular language which we are most comfortable with. And if this particular thing translates into electing a representative from one’s own community it becomes dirty and divisive.

Now the aspect of dalitisation is a very interesting question to ask oneself, why do we as upper castes only question the dalitisation and not look at the aspect of Sanskritisation that is prevalent both on campus and outside with all the moral policing that one could think of which is conforming to the  Dominant religions’ thoughts and principles. If one could Sanskritise then why should one not dalitise ? That is because for us upper castes, a Dalit nation is not only unimaginable but unacceptable as it questions our fundamental existence. Here i would like to say that, a Dalit nation for me means a nation where principles of democracy, justice, equality and fraternity exists in its fundamental form and these principles are applicable equally to all people regardless caste, class, gender and religion.

A lot of us upper castes take offence to the abuses a dalit showers upon the gods and goddesses of the Hindu religion, but at the same time we forget that we are the same upper castes who use the names of lower castes like ‘Bhangi’, ‘Chandala ‘, ‘Chamar’ and many other such names as abuses on others. This is not offensive to us even though these are the very people with whom interact with everyday but an abuse by a dalit on gods and goddesses who just exist in frames and ‘temples’ is taken as offensive. A dalit who believe that its the same irrational religion which is responsible for their situation and position in society is expected to prostrate and conform to these very oppressive gods and goddesses. When Dr Ambedkar’s, who the dalits consider as their father, statues are desecrated by upper castes where did our conscious about being respectful go? And what about all the disrespect that the dalits face day in and day out by us upper castes? If they can bear all this for centuries then why is it that we are not able to accept their rational arguments/ abuses about our own goddesses and gods and accept that the crux of the caste problem lies in the Hindu religion and one cannot annihilate caste when one conforms to the Hindu religion.

These are some things that we as upper castes must think about cause the burden of annihilating caste lies in the hands of the dalits of this nation, and those of us who have acknowledged and accepted our position of power and privilege and are willing to step behind and support them in the process of annihilation. This will lead to a society that is truly democratic, secular, just and equitable.

I would like to end this post with a quote by Dr Ambedkar, “In Hinduism, conscience, reason and independent thinking have no scope for development”

P.S: For any of you who would like to take this discussion forward, disagree to what i have said above, please feel free to stop me and talk, but do come if and only if you are open to arguing and listening to things that are rational and reasonable.

CSR: Frequently asked questions

This is the season of job placements on campus and there has been a lot of discussions about the kind of jobs that one should look at, the kind of corporations and organisations that should be allowed, arguments about ethics and other such things related to placements. This is something that has been an ongoing discussion that has been a part of my life ever since my UG days and the situation is no different even after all these years with my own engagement in this discussions, I have realised some of the questions raised are important and it needs some kind of brainstorming which would maybe lead to an ideal and rational answers to these questions.

In this post i shall try to address and engage with a few of the questions that come up during to course of the discussion of why one should take up a CSR job or just a job in a corporation and also the questions that arise in defence of the choice of jobs one chooses.\

I shall here also make the disclaimer that i am not taking a moral high ground over anything else but rather trying to understand these things for my own clarity which is important for me to keep internalising as well as further strengthens my own belief systems and the principles of Justice, Equality and Fraternity.

The questions are not in any particular order but just those that came from the top of my head.

1. What is the point in not taking up the job? somebody is going to take it up?

It is important that one understands ones own belief systems and ones position in society.  Ones values, standards of justice and principles cannot be determined by the fact that somebody else is going to take up the job and this leaves us t sit and sulk. The current society is based on a market of greed and plunder. It is up to an individual to stand up for what s/he believes in, and not come up with lame excuse of the fact that somebody else who is in the position of an oppressor would take up the job and the situation is not going to change where the oppressed community is still going to be oppressed. And for those who come from privileged backgrounds who choose to take up jobs that plunder and feed into the resources of those communities who are the rightful owners of these resources, one can do nothing but wait for a time when they realise their contribution towards the destruction of humanity and the environment by which time it would be too late for reconciliation.

2. What is the difference between a CSR job in a corporation and a job in an NGO that the same corporation donates funds to? It is still the same.

If we start looking at money as something that is ethical, then any form of money is tainted with the blood of somebody or the other. the difference between a CSR job in a corporation and an NGO job which is funded is the fact that the NGO can be made accountable where as a Corporation cannot be made accountable. For instance, in the 2G scam, TATAs have got a clean chit in all of it, but it has been a different case when it has come to NGOs being part of such huge levels of scams and even if they are then there are some measures of accountability that they as NGOs cannot buy like how powerful corporations can.

Also let me make myself clear, am not taking the side of the NGOs, but am trying to say that if an entity becomes so huge and powerful that they cannot be controlled by the people in a democracy then there are some serious concerns in the way one is organising the society and developing it for the future. There are organisations and groups which do not have any corporate funding and are functioning as good as anybody else, but still the fundamental aspect is money and how one steers clear out of this situation of being dependent of huge sums of monies and tries to get something that is more on a need based living rather than one of luxury which would basically eat into the resources of some marginalised community somewhere.

3. Why is one so against a CSR job, rather why not get into the system and try to change the system? Is it not the fact that as people who are sensitive and caring wont we reduce the damage that the corporation does to the people and the environment, for instance, don’t you think that we could save atleast 10 people out of the 100 people who it sets out to kill/dispossess?

The argument of getting into the system and then changing the system is something that has been going the rounds for a long time now and this is an argument that is fundamentally flawed. the reason being, the fact that corporations are not JUST systems, where one can go in can change it, they are massive structures which promote the agenda of the neo-liberal and capitalist forces and the only agenda is to plunder and make wealth for the people with the power and authority.

Now in a situation like this how can one change the nature of the system, i.e. its profit making nature which is the cause for the indiscriminate plunder and lack of respect for people as well as natural resources. What good is it to say, ” i saved a hundred lives today but still could not save the other 10,000 lives that were lost”. Does this mean we speak only for the 100 lives that we can save regardless the number of people we kill and dispossess in this process. Should we not stand by the entire 10,000 rather than feeling good about the fact that we saved a hundred lives?

When we are taking about changing the system through being a part of CSR, why is it that we are not talking about the laws of the land that the corporation has to follow when it is setting up and functioning the unit, can we talk about the environmental regulations that any corporation has to follow, or for that matter the labour rules and regulations that they have to follow. Would all this not account to changing the system by being within the system? Now one can answer that, all this is possible only by being part of the system, and in the past 6 years of my own life where i have considerably engaged with movements there has never been a single instance where i have had a friend from the corporate industry (yes, i do have friends in corporate houses) come and tell me that, “my company today has decided to follow all the environmental and labour regulations”.  A friend’s father is the Vice-president in the Industrial relations of a particular manufacturing company and during one of the conversations with him, i asked him about what have been the innovating things that he has been able to bring about in his company in regards to the labour rules and he lamented that even though he is the VP of a company, he still does not have the power to bring about even a minor change within the system of labour relations and this he was talking about the plight of the contract labourers they employ and the policy they follow for them.

This is just one situation that i am mentioning but there have been many of my other friends who have stepped out of corporate jobs after their experiences there.

4. Capitalism and neo-liberalism  are things that are going to dominate the world and these are systems that have been ingrained into our everyday lives and we are all part of it in some form or the other. It is a huge force to oppose, so would it not be better to modify the current form to something that is more just and equitable?

The computer that i am writing my post right now is a product of capitalism, the internet that i use is again part of the same system and i am also somebody who is part of this structure called capitalism. But should this stop me from standing up against an oppressive structure regardless the fact that i am contributing to the process of changing it. But in all this one also needs to analyse whether one is succumbing to the capitalist structure and becoming a slave to it or if one is standing up against it and is the process of constantly trying to identify new structures that are more democratic, equitable and progressive rather than being a status qouist. In the same capitalist structure i am able to define the way i would like to lead my life and will not let the structure of capitalism define and determine the way i live my life. The fundamental aspect in this argument is the aspect of control of ones life and i can confidentially argue that i am i control of my life to a considerable extent which makes me realise the importance of aspects of democracy and dissent against injustice.

The other line of argument that i also place here is the fact that being a male and someone who is part of the structure of Patriarchy should i just keep myself out of fighting and standing up against the injustice this structure inflicts upon women and transgenders? or should i not talk about caste oppression as i am part of the caste system? If this is the case then we would not be living in a society where women have been able to stand up against injustice that they have been subjected to for all this while. Nor would have we had great men like Dr. Ambedkar  and many others who have been instrumental in fighting caste oppression and have created fundamental principles towards fighting caste oppression.

We have also had Marx and others who have spoken against the structures of feudalism, capitalism which has now taken shape into neo-liberalism. Is there a major difference in any of the structures of caste, gender and class, as i see all of them oppressing a majority of the communities around the world. So, if i take a position against caste oppression am i not taking a position against injustice and oppression? and if i am taking a position against injustice and oppression then should i not stand up against any structure that is oppressive in its fundamental nature be it the caste structure, Patriarchy or the capitalist structure. If i believe in the principles of Justice, Equality and Fraternity then should i not stand up against those structures that are a threat to these principles of mine.

These are some of the immediate questions that i have been able to think about, and i do agree that there will be many more questions that people would have after reading this. I would be more than happy to engage with all the rest of the questions with the help of many others which will also help me in strengthening my own resolve and my belief systems.

Finally, i would like to end with a quotation of Desmond Tutu, ” If we are neutral in situations of injustice, we have chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality”.

PMRDF Vs Development

We had this class on Conflict Vs Development in which two reports were discussed. One the Planning Commission report on Naxal Affected areas and the POSCO committee report.During the course of the class one of the questions raised was that if PMRDF will bring about the development that the state is talking about in the Maoist controlled zones.

For those who are wondering what PMRDF is, I shall try to explain the concept as much as i have understood it. PMRDF stands for Prime Minister rural Development Fellowships and these fellowships will be in around 60 districts where the Maoists have considerable presence. One of the primary objectives of the fellows would be to help the collectorate to initiate the Integrated Action Plan which will focus on the development activities in these districts.

Now the objectives as given on the website http://pmrdfs.tiss.edu/objectives.php are as follows:

On 13th of september, Union Minister of Rural Development Mr. Jairam Ramesh announced a scheme of PM’s Rural Development Fellows (PMRDF), for deploying young professionals in each of the IAP districts to assist the District Collector. What is implicit in the announcement is the fact that the challenge of Naxalite violence cannot be dealt with by following the ʻbusiness as usualʼ principle. New ways of increasing efficiency and effectiveness of public services must be found.

• This requires rigorous efforts to understand the community and its socio-cultural and political structure, local economy and its linkages, and relationship of the political and executive machinery with the community.
• Above all, it requires nurturing relationships among all the important actors in a way that the disaffection and discontent are addressed effectively.
• Creating a deep sense of empathy in the administration for the poorer and marginalised sections of society is a non-negotiable factor for democratic governance in areas under Naxalite influence.
• Moreover, the district administration needs strong support in improving the planning process, refurbishing the implementation machinery, monitoring results and influencing government decisions for quick redressal when necessary.

It also talks of having strong commitment towards the values of equity and social justice and a passion for making a difference in the lives of the people.

keeping these objectives in mind one shall now try to address a few questions that comes to ones mind. Does the state really have the intention towards Social Justice among the most oppressed groups of this country?

There have been many reports about the happenings in the zones mentioned above, a planning commission report itself agrees that the situation in these areas is far worse than many other places. therefore, if one has to believe that the PMRDF will work towards a holistic development of the people in this area them there should be some basic guidelines that one needs to work upon.

Firstly, the access to legal justice must be available to each and every citizen in these particular districts. But can this really happen? we have cases of Soni Sori, Kopa Kunjam and many other such adivasis who have been arrested under false charges and there are also hundreds of under trails who are languishing in jails across the country. Could the fellowship even address these issues?  I doubt it, they would rather work towards maintaing this status quo and not stir up the hornet’s nest in regards to this issue.

Secondly, can the fellowship address the issues around the resources and who these resources belong to? The state is hard pressed for time regarding all the FDI that is waiting for these particular resources. How can the Fellows convince the state about the fact that the rightful owners of the resources are the adivasis and not the state or the Multi and trans nationals? Can the Fellows assure the security of the resources to the adivasis?

Thirdly, Can the selected fellows alter the Power hierarchy that is already existent in these areas? Rather they themselves will also be considered as somebody with considerable power  by the locals, in such a situation how can one empathise with the poorer and marginalised sections of the society.

Fourthly, all these areas are rich in mineral resources which is the target of the corporations who are far more powerful and control governments across the world. Can the fellows stand up to the pressures that these mighty corporations and stand by the side of the “powerless” yet determined adivasis?

Fifthly, The fellows will also have to be working under the district collectors who at times are the ones who do not follow the rule of the land but take the side of the powerful corporations who plunder the resources of these areas indiscriminately without following the rule of the land, be it environment norms, human rights norms or labour norms. What effect will the fellows be when all these things are already in a condition of disparity which by itself needs a real long time for it to reach a level of equality.

Finally, the definition of “development” for the fellows and in the PMRDF is got to do with the infrastructure and other such facilities, whihc for the adivasis is a secondary need, what they need is primary health care, primary education and a space which is free of conflict induced deu to the  “development” paradigm of the state and the corporations in these areas! Can the fellows avoid the indiscriminate plundering of the natural resources in these areas?

These again were random thoughts and the class on conflict vs development helped me initiating this discussion within me which led me to write the above piece.

Mind: the most powerful place. Idea; the most powerful thing

V for Vendetta, was a movie that i watched long ago! and the one thing that has stayed with me from that movie is that “a person may die, but an idea will never!”. This will form the basic content and the fundamental part of my posts henceforth. I have finally decided to blog and talk about my views about all that is under the sun, regardless people are interested in reading or not, but i feel it is time i start talking about things the way i understand them.

This post is about the various comments that one has about how one should be non-judgemental and apolitical to anything that happens around us! How i wish it were this easy for one to live. To not comment and to not be judgemental about one who stands for injustice is to be a mute spectator to the injustice.

Agreed that injustice is a larger notion and the understanding would vary from community to community, but one would have to take a position which considers the positions of those communities which face the maximum brunt of the dominant forces.

To be non-judgemental about one professional life which is party to injustice is also in a way being mute to the injustice that the profession upholds. An individual is judged by the position that s/he takes about injustice and this holds true to even the professional choices that one makes!

This takes me back to the reason of this blog;  that it is the mind that can have the will to not be colonised/oppressed/contaminated and threatened by the dominant forces, and in these minds lies ideas which form the crux of any society that decides a path of equality or one that prefers to remain submissive to the dominant forces. And it is this mind that is responsible for taking a stand be it in ones personal life or in the professional life they prefer to chose!

I shall write as regularly as possible to share, create and re-create ideas which will remain in the minds of the people!!!!